Believers
Believers
"You talk about a forcible situation, you talk about somebody being a victim of forcible assault, that would be Todd Akin." —Bryan Fischer
As Republicans scatter, seeking refuge from the excremental storm that rose in the wake of Rep. Todd Akin's astoundingly uneducated explanation of human reproduction, the
really hard part seems to be convincing people that the senate candidate from Missouri is an outlier.
Apparently, American Family Association spokesman Bryan Fischer was unsatisfied with his original denunciation of Akin's critics as akin to Pharisees. Nor, it seems, was it enough to
compare the Missouri Republican to Jesus. Now Fischer wants Akin to be the
victim, complaining about a "forcible assault" in which "everybody is gang tackling Todd Akin".
Yes, you can chuckle at that. "Gang tackling". Apparently, that's what they call it these days.
"You talk about a forcible situation", said Fischer, "you talk about somebody being a victim of forcible assault, that would be Todd Akin."
Trying to figure out the right-wing rape envy is bizarre; it's almost like some malignant Munchausen Syndrome by which social conservatives are
jealous of rape survivors. To the other, one can go too far in that direction; it's a common symptom of empowerment majorities to express hurt feelings when people pay too much attention, or are too sympathetic toward, victims. White burden. Angry male. And now Fischer's bizarre annexation of rape; it seems nearly inevitable that we would eventually encounter this particular ego perversion.
Nor is the AFA alone.
Reuters reports that, "Missouri conservatives are rallying around U.S. Senate candidate Todd Akin ... because they are outraged that 'establishment' Republican Party leaders tried to railroad him out of the race". And
Christian News Wire reports that Operation Rescue and Pro-Life Nation, two anti-abortion lobbies under the guidance of Troy Newman, issued a statement declaring the organizations' support for Rep. Akin:
We stand with Todd Akin in his bid to win the Senate seat in Missouri contested by his pro-abortion opponent, Democrat Claire McCaskill.
Akin was attacked by Democrats when he made an unfortunate comment about "legitimate rape" and its consequences, a comment for which he has sincerely apologized and repudiated. Instead of being supported by the Republican Party, many panicked at the tempest in a teapot stirred up by the pro-abortion crowd and withdrew support for Akin. This panic spread to others who have withheld funding in an attempt to force him out of the race.
Instead of rebuking the abortion crowd and the divisive politics of the Democratic Party, many Republicans—but certainly not all—wrongly turned to devour one of their own.
We encourage Todd Akin to stand up to the pro-abortion bullies who are bent on destroying him and rebuff the timid Republicans that want to avoid abortion controversies at all costs, even if those costs include the loss of a critical seat in the Senate and perhaps even a Senate majority.
The GOP finds itself in an uncomfortable moment; party leaders, finding their dirty laundry hanging out in open daylight, have rushed to denounce Akin and hope to push him from his senate race. But with House Republicans pushing legislation aiming to force poor children and mentally incompetent people to babies, Party leaders have so far been unable to divorce themselves from the enthusiastic—even vicious—and ill-educated social-conservative base bloc. Republicans still need their conservative votes, but it gets harder to woo the swing bloc amid such a crazed cacophony.
It's a hard time for Republicans.
Leonard Pitts, Jr. notes:
Still, this is not about one congressman's need for sensitivity training and remedial science. Akin is hardly unique, after all.
To the contrary, he is just the latest vivid example of conservatism's unrelenting hostility toward women's reproductive rights—as in a Texas judge who just upheld the state's ban on Planned Parenthood.
Indeed, even as this controversy was simmering, the GOP unveiled a proposed platform plank calling for a constitutional amendment that would ban abortion with no exceptions for cases of rape or incest. It's a plank Akin himself could have written.
But he is emblematic of more than hardcore opposition to abortion. In him, one also senses the juvenile discomfort with which some male conservatives are afflicted at the merest suggestion of female sexuality.
Think then-Attorney General John Ashcroft, piously covering the breasts of the "Spirit of Justice" statue at the Department of Justice. Think then-Rep. Tom Coburn decrying the "full frontal nudity" of a movie broadcast on television—the movie being "Schindler's List," the nudes being doomed European Jews.
Think Republicans banning Rep. Lisa Brown from the Michigan statehouse for using the word "vagina"—as opposed, perhaps, to "lady parts," "third base" or "tunnel of love." Think Rush Limbaugh calling Sandra Fluke a slut because she has, presumably, on occasion had sex.
It's the kind of behavior one associates with a locker room full of adolescent boys, waiting for their faces to clear up and their voices to change. But these are men. Worse, they are men who are judged competent to make, interpret or influence laws impacting the most intimate decisions a woman can make.
Including, for example, whether she must have a probe stuck up her "lady parts" before being allowed to terminate a pregnancy.
This has been a strange year for the relationship between Republicans and reality. For months, now, conservatives have tried to fend off accusations of a "war on women"; Mitt Romney even went so far as to argue that President Obama is conducting a willful war on women.
But 2011's H.R. 3, which attempted to proscribe the definition of rape so that federal funds could not be used to terminate pregnancies resulting from statutory rape—you know, the
illegitimate kind, since even though one is not considered able to properly consent, they gave consent?—no longer stands in a vacuum. Myriad anti-abortion laws that have obsessed state house Republicans since the 2010 midterm victory, no longer stand in a vacuum—neither time restrictions nor TRAP laws nor forced vaginal penetration can be excluded from the question of misogyny. Arguments about whether or not one's conscience can demand religious discrimination in women's health insurance can no longer be held alone as an issue.
The problem for Republicans is not necessarily what liberals would presume, that conservatives hold such morally broken beliefs. Rather, the problem is that Republicans seem to
know that the political rhetoric reflects moral detritus. The anti-abortion movement has asserted this magic contraception for years, as the theory's primary proponent is a former head of National Right to Life, and the founder of International Right to Life Federation and current president of the Life Issues Institute. This is a fundamental aspect of how social conservatives view women; it does not effectively confine itself to abortion exclusively—the mind generally
does not, regardless of how spastic it might get, have ways of shutting that down.
Why should Republicans
not come out and say, "Todd Akin is right"? It's the same sort of question as wondering why Republicans try to portray anti-abortion as pro-woman; why
not just stand on the argument that no, a woman
does not have this right over her own body? There still exists an abstract question of what happens to a woman's body, legally, when she becomes pregnant under a life-at-conception outlook. Why do Republicans not step up and say, "It's true:
We believe that when a female decides to consent to sex, she is willfully risking her human rights."
True, there are some who genuinely believe that evil forces—communists, the Devil, homosexuals, whatever—have so glamourized the people that such dialogue is impossible. But judging by the people I've known over the years who have been willing to vote for Republicans on a broader scale, it is impossible to assert that this delusional cosmic dualism represents the majority of conservatives.
Yet, what does that leave? Perhaps it is simply that conservatives want established answers to questions that do not necessarily have them. That, though, would still imply something neurotic; one wonders what germinates at the nexus.
In the end, though, to consider those I've known who have been willing Republican voters, there is some insight to be gleaned. A lot of these people adopted an abortion platform without thinking it through because they were following another conservative cause, such as economics or war. These are the voters who terrify the Republican establishment right now. If those voters start to think the issue through, they will do what many of their neighbors have over the years. No, getting lib does not answer every question in the Universe. Indeed, some would suggest—and I think rightly—that it actually compels even more questions. But they look at their daughters and sisters and wives and mothers and start to recognize the faces of the political rhetoric. For these people, to believe that a woman has magical anti-rape contraception built in is just too much of a stretch. To accept that the women they know must risk suspension of their humanity every time they have sex is just too much to ask.
This is what Republicans know; at least, the savvy ones. And it is a cold political calculation; capitalistic, even, if one accepts that not all currency is measured in monetary terms.
They
need that social-conservative base. It's been vitally important to the shape of the Republican Party since 1980, at least. And it is true that the Republican establishment has squelched them when they thought they could see real victory. But that's the thing:
The Party knows.
One need not be an analyst to read these metrics. At its core, the anti-abortion movement must necessarily presume certain truths, established answers that are beyond question. At its core, the anti-abortion movement relies on a sense of empowerment to drive its people. And at its core, these established answers, and the empowerment they point to, are problematic; that's why the moral beliefs seem broken. And it's also why the Party wants to put
miles between itself and Todd Akin.
This is not a discussion Republicans want to have in close quarters right now.
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Notes:
Benen, Steve. "This Week in God". The Maddow Blog. August 25, 2012. MaddowBlog.MSNBC.com. August 26, 2012. http://maddowblog.msnbc.com/_news/2012/08/25/13474980-this-week-in-god
Tashman, Brian. "Fischer Says Media Treating Akin Like Pharisees Treated Jesus". Right Wing Watch. August 21, 2012. RightWingWatch.org. August 26, 2012. http://www.rightwingwatch.org/content/fischer-media-akin-pharisees-treated-jesus
—————. "Bryan Fischer Says Todd Akin is Like a Victim of Rape". Right Wing Watch. August 21, 2012. RightWingWatch.org. August 26, 2012. http://www.rightwingwatch.org/content/bryan-fischer-says-todd-akin-victim-rape
Carey, Nick. "Todd Akin Keeps Support Of Missouri Conservatives Who Blast Republican 'Establishment'". Reuters. August 24, 2012. HuffingtonPost.com. August 26, 2012. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/08/24/todd-akin-missouri_n_1826778.html
Christian News Wire. "President of Operation Rescue and Pro-Life Nation Troy Newman Stands With Todd Akin". Opposing Views. August 24, 2012. OpposingViews.com. August 26, 2012. http://www.opposingviews.com/i/reli...gainst-divisive-politics-personal-destruction
Pitts, Leonard. "Todd Akin's ignorance is hardly unique". Mercury News. August 26, 2012. MercuryNews.com. August 26, 2012. http://www.mercurynews.com/top-stories/ci_21394668/leonard-pitts-jr-todd-akins-ignorance-is-hardly
See Also:
O'Bryan, Megan. "Todd Akin's statement reflects damaging myths". The Plain Dealer. August 26, 2012. Cleveland.com. August 26, 2012. http://www.cleveland.com/opinion/index.ssf/2012/08/todd_akins_statement_reflects.html