Part the First
Wide-eyed recitations of naïveté aren't much of an argument.
The left made its compromises from '92-'08. And we made another compromise when we voted for Barack Obama. That gamble seems to have paid off reasonably well.
But let us take two aspects of Obama's presidency, two of the greatest improvements in my societal quality of life, as a consideration.
In the late eighties into the early nineties, conservatives developed this weird idea for health insurance called the "individual mandate". It was offered up as a desperate alternative to single-payer. A Republican managed to enact it in Massachusetts, and while pretty much anyone can question the wisdom of metaphorical fellatio for the insurance industry, it was certainly, demonstrably better than nothing.
Barack Obama conceded single-payer from the outset; I would say it was too early in the process, but we really could have used the Sanders brand of activism in 2008-09; it just wasn't there. What we got out of it all was the Republican plan, which Republicans promptly turned against.
Where are the voters on this? Siding with Republicans, to judge by the election returns since then. That the GOP can't send a good candidate to the presidential circuit is the good fortune of accident.
So what do you do if you're the politician?
Alright, sounds good. All Democrats stick to liberal principles and expect, despite history, that the people will move dramatically leftward simply because they have a chance to do so. The Democrats get waxed, Republicans run the show for four or eight or twelve years, and by the time the people get so sick of it, the next Democrat spends the term cleaning up the mess. Then the people complain about a lack of progress and vote Republicans in.
Show me somewhere, please, in our society, that the cognitive dissonance of blaming liberals for conservative ideas and behaviors breaks.
Because here's the alternative: No health care reform.
Welcome to 2016; it looks just like 2007, only worse.
Let us also consider marriage equality. In recent years, conservatives have even asked that we hold President Obama's 2008 opposition to marriage equality against him. So let us talk about the Obama gamble in gambling terms.
If you're playing a single hand of poker, how do you play it? More specifically, I would posit that if you and I were playing a single hand of Hold 'Em in order to settle which movie to go see, or which pub to hit for a drink, you might play a certain way. But what if you're at a table of eight, in a room with sixteen hundred gamblers, and your object is to stay in the game long enough to beat every other player in the room?
Historically, President Obama said what he needed to; asking me to hold that decision against him is a fool's errand―was there some Democrat who could win a presidential election pushing marriage equality? How about abortion rights? It's true, I believe in total access, with none of this parsing of trimesters or legislated ontology, but I damn well know we're not getting it anytime soon, and also that any candidate pushing that in a banner year is going to get carved.
What did we get out of Obama? A couple years of impatience, to be certain. To the other, as soon as he had what he needed―in this case an unexpected Tenth Amendment decision in favor of gay marriage―he started playing his hand. And we rode that case to victory.
Should I have held Obama's hesitance in 2008 against him? Okay. So we all pull our votes from Obama, McCain is elected, and you tell me what would have happened.
Let us try the gambling metaphor again: Just because we're allowed a seat at the table doesn't mean we get to hold all the chips; it also doesn't mean we're going to be dealt an ace and the Bug in the pocket and three aces on the table.
Sports? Just because we're allowed into the tournament doesn't mean we automatically make the Sweet Sixteen, and it certainly doesn't mean we're going to sink every three.
Construction? This isn't a matter of being allowed into the room so all we have to do is switch on the lights and open up the tap. We'll be allowed on the premises, then we have to inspect the pipes and the wiring, patch the gaps, replace the broken swtiches and valves, and make sure the workspace is suitable for the work.
There are reasons, structural, societal, and also self-imposed why the left has a hard time capitalizing on foundations build from compromise. In any given year, regardless of right and wrong, the best retort to a careful and correct leftist argument is to simply blurt out "God, Guns, and Greed". They're coming for your wallet. They're coming for your rifle. They're coming for your Bible. They're coming for your children. What part of history informs you otherwise?
Our voter frustration is one of constantly compromising and never seeing the other side pay off the contract. The conservative voter frustration is one of simply not being able to bully people like they used to.
There were some strategic errors about the rise of the DLC; that much is indisputable. We're hemorrhaging in local elections, and the DLC way of doing things is part of that outcome. It's pretty damn good for winning statewide elections, but other than that we hold metropolitan locales, lose rural, and trade off the in-betweens; 2010 is an example of what happens when we lose those in-betweens.
Your approach sounds nearly sensible if we pretend the Clinton years, especially the first term, looked, sounded, felt, and operated the way things do right now. Perhaps I'm unusual in remembering. In '92, the thing was Poppy Bush's poor run; in '96, it was Dole's awful run. In the post-Cold War years, liberalism was still the goddamn Devil; it took another Bush presidency to crack that, because what did it was Republican dereliction of duty in favor of schemes to start a new Cold War, and then a World War. We didn't claw our way back in on merit; we slipped in amid the chaos as everything else fell apart.
So if we're going to build a leftist coalition to move this country forward, where is that base? Where have they been? Ah! But the Bernie Revolution is young! Yes, this is true; that base might well be emerging.
But with youth also comes a certain necessariy naïevté; I need these young voters to study and comprehend history. We don't have the base to deliver Bernie Sanders' promises, and if he wins the nomination but blows the election, or wins the election and flames out after a term spent getting his ass kicked by Congress, the left will lose another generation of voters.
And the thing is that people like you and me can put our heads together and try to figure out solutions all we want, but if we ignore history that endeavor would be doomed. Winning the Senate is within our grasp, but not necessarily this year; maybe this cycle plus the midterm. Winning the House? We need one of two things. One is a drastic shift in Congressional districting that won't happen until after 2020 at best, and that's if liberals can start picking up the local elections we tend to get trounced in. The other is the arrival and commitment of that liberal and leftist base that we just don't have right now.
Losing an election doesn't hurt so bad; being relegated for a generation hurts like hell. And not just egos; those losses take their tolls on millions of Americans.
You know, if everything was mathematically determined, like a video game, it would at least be easier to figure out; playing 32,000 turns of FreeCiv is easy enough theoretically, with the path to world domination clear. It's the part when each of those turns takes over an hour to execute that things get hard to follow. But here's the thing: When the people in your CivNation want a Sewer System, they are happy when they get the Sewer System.
That is to say, in the game it's almost literally "easy as one-two-three". But what happens when the people demand a sewer system, you deliver a functional sewer system, and then they turn against you for giving them what they wanted? In real life it's not one-two-three, but, rather, the decision tree is a complex mess of contingency plans that, laid out as a graph, starts to look like a fractal. Dive in; how deep can you go before you hit bottom, or run out of air?
The day we can walk back into the discussion with our hats on our heads instead of in our hands is also the day everything has gone so far to Hell that the people have no choice left. Forestalling that disaster requires a certain amount of maneuvering we often describe as "compromise".
I'm a leftist; I'm not winning my Revolution today. Or tomorrow. Or next year. Indeed, if I'm lucky, and we start today and do everything right, and I live to my hundredth birthday, we'll be close enough that I'll find a way to stay alive long enough to see our victory.
This is the metaphor: When I came out of the closet in middle age, I promised myself the one thing I wouldn't do is jump on the first available comfort. Underground, we take the risks because we have the chance and feel the need, and that can get someone like me killed. For various reasons, liberalism has a chance right now. I won't hop on the first Revolution to come along. And if the wartime metaphor is to gamble ceding hard-won territory for the sake of feelgood politics, that Revolution is problematic.

Iceaura said:Like when the Left compromised on Bill Clinton, and got shut out of the Reagan Era until 2016? Or was it back when the Left compromised on Humphrey, and never got back in game?
Wide-eyed recitations of naïveté aren't much of an argument.
The left made its compromises from '92-'08. And we made another compromise when we voted for Barack Obama. That gamble seems to have paid off reasonably well.
But let us take two aspects of Obama's presidency, two of the greatest improvements in my societal quality of life, as a consideration.
In the late eighties into the early nineties, conservatives developed this weird idea for health insurance called the "individual mandate". It was offered up as a desperate alternative to single-payer. A Republican managed to enact it in Massachusetts, and while pretty much anyone can question the wisdom of metaphorical fellatio for the insurance industry, it was certainly, demonstrably better than nothing.
Barack Obama conceded single-payer from the outset; I would say it was too early in the process, but we really could have used the Sanders brand of activism in 2008-09; it just wasn't there. What we got out of it all was the Republican plan, which Republicans promptly turned against.
Where are the voters on this? Siding with Republicans, to judge by the election returns since then. That the GOP can't send a good candidate to the presidential circuit is the good fortune of accident.
So what do you do if you're the politician?
Alright, sounds good. All Democrats stick to liberal principles and expect, despite history, that the people will move dramatically leftward simply because they have a chance to do so. The Democrats get waxed, Republicans run the show for four or eight or twelve years, and by the time the people get so sick of it, the next Democrat spends the term cleaning up the mess. Then the people complain about a lack of progress and vote Republicans in.
Show me somewhere, please, in our society, that the cognitive dissonance of blaming liberals for conservative ideas and behaviors breaks.
Because here's the alternative: No health care reform.
Welcome to 2016; it looks just like 2007, only worse.
Let us also consider marriage equality. In recent years, conservatives have even asked that we hold President Obama's 2008 opposition to marriage equality against him. So let us talk about the Obama gamble in gambling terms.
If you're playing a single hand of poker, how do you play it? More specifically, I would posit that if you and I were playing a single hand of Hold 'Em in order to settle which movie to go see, or which pub to hit for a drink, you might play a certain way. But what if you're at a table of eight, in a room with sixteen hundred gamblers, and your object is to stay in the game long enough to beat every other player in the room?
Historically, President Obama said what he needed to; asking me to hold that decision against him is a fool's errand―was there some Democrat who could win a presidential election pushing marriage equality? How about abortion rights? It's true, I believe in total access, with none of this parsing of trimesters or legislated ontology, but I damn well know we're not getting it anytime soon, and also that any candidate pushing that in a banner year is going to get carved.
What did we get out of Obama? A couple years of impatience, to be certain. To the other, as soon as he had what he needed―in this case an unexpected Tenth Amendment decision in favor of gay marriage―he started playing his hand. And we rode that case to victory.
Should I have held Obama's hesitance in 2008 against him? Okay. So we all pull our votes from Obama, McCain is elected, and you tell me what would have happened.
Let us try the gambling metaphor again: Just because we're allowed a seat at the table doesn't mean we get to hold all the chips; it also doesn't mean we're going to be dealt an ace and the Bug in the pocket and three aces on the table.
Sports? Just because we're allowed into the tournament doesn't mean we automatically make the Sweet Sixteen, and it certainly doesn't mean we're going to sink every three.
Construction? This isn't a matter of being allowed into the room so all we have to do is switch on the lights and open up the tap. We'll be allowed on the premises, then we have to inspect the pipes and the wiring, patch the gaps, replace the broken swtiches and valves, and make sure the workspace is suitable for the work.
There are reasons, structural, societal, and also self-imposed why the left has a hard time capitalizing on foundations build from compromise. In any given year, regardless of right and wrong, the best retort to a careful and correct leftist argument is to simply blurt out "God, Guns, and Greed". They're coming for your wallet. They're coming for your rifle. They're coming for your Bible. They're coming for your children. What part of history informs you otherwise?
Our voter frustration is one of constantly compromising and never seeing the other side pay off the contract. The conservative voter frustration is one of simply not being able to bully people like they used to.
The Left has been shut out of American politics for a generation now. It hasn't been for lack of compromise on Clintons.
There were some strategic errors about the rise of the DLC; that much is indisputable. We're hemorrhaging in local elections, and the DLC way of doing things is part of that outcome. It's pretty damn good for winning statewide elections, but other than that we hold metropolitan locales, lose rural, and trade off the in-betweens; 2010 is an example of what happens when we lose those in-betweens.
Your approach sounds nearly sensible if we pretend the Clinton years, especially the first term, looked, sounded, felt, and operated the way things do right now. Perhaps I'm unusual in remembering. In '92, the thing was Poppy Bush's poor run; in '96, it was Dole's awful run. In the post-Cold War years, liberalism was still the goddamn Devil; it took another Bush presidency to crack that, because what did it was Republican dereliction of duty in favor of schemes to start a new Cold War, and then a World War. We didn't claw our way back in on merit; we slipped in amid the chaos as everything else fell apart.
So if we're going to build a leftist coalition to move this country forward, where is that base? Where have they been? Ah! But the Bernie Revolution is young! Yes, this is true; that base might well be emerging.
But with youth also comes a certain necessariy naïevté; I need these young voters to study and comprehend history. We don't have the base to deliver Bernie Sanders' promises, and if he wins the nomination but blows the election, or wins the election and flames out after a term spent getting his ass kicked by Congress, the left will lose another generation of voters.
And the thing is that people like you and me can put our heads together and try to figure out solutions all we want, but if we ignore history that endeavor would be doomed. Winning the Senate is within our grasp, but not necessarily this year; maybe this cycle plus the midterm. Winning the House? We need one of two things. One is a drastic shift in Congressional districting that won't happen until after 2020 at best, and that's if liberals can start picking up the local elections we tend to get trounced in. The other is the arrival and commitment of that liberal and leftist base that we just don't have right now.
Losing an election doesn't hurt so bad; being relegated for a generation hurts like hell. And not just egos; those losses take their tolls on millions of Americans.
You know, if everything was mathematically determined, like a video game, it would at least be easier to figure out; playing 32,000 turns of FreeCiv is easy enough theoretically, with the path to world domination clear. It's the part when each of those turns takes over an hour to execute that things get hard to follow. But here's the thing: When the people in your CivNation want a Sewer System, they are happy when they get the Sewer System.
That is to say, in the game it's almost literally "easy as one-two-three". But what happens when the people demand a sewer system, you deliver a functional sewer system, and then they turn against you for giving them what they wanted? In real life it's not one-two-three, but, rather, the decision tree is a complex mess of contingency plans that, laid out as a graph, starts to look like a fractal. Dive in; how deep can you go before you hit bottom, or run out of air?
The day we can walk back into the discussion with our hats on our heads instead of in our hands is also the day everything has gone so far to Hell that the people have no choice left. Forestalling that disaster requires a certain amount of maneuvering we often describe as "compromise".
I'm a leftist; I'm not winning my Revolution today. Or tomorrow. Or next year. Indeed, if I'm lucky, and we start today and do everything right, and I live to my hundredth birthday, we'll be close enough that I'll find a way to stay alive long enough to see our victory.
This is the metaphor: When I came out of the closet in middle age, I promised myself the one thing I wouldn't do is jump on the first available comfort. Underground, we take the risks because we have the chance and feel the need, and that can get someone like me killed. For various reasons, liberalism has a chance right now. I won't hop on the first Revolution to come along. And if the wartime metaphor is to gamble ceding hard-won territory for the sake of feelgood politics, that Revolution is problematic.
―End Part I―