Why would you ask that in a circumstance when answering has been explicitly forbidden?
You recognize, do you not, that reality occurs regardless of whether you are aware of what happens? For instance, if someone does something, then they've done something, and the fact that you are unaware does not mean they didn't.
Moreover, what's the point in asking for information you already have? After all, it was said front of you: [(
redacted per expressed rule)] Again, if [(
redacted per expressed rule)], it's as simple as [(
redacted per expressed rule)]. Meanwhile, as you see, [(
redacted per expressed rule)] apparently constitutes [(
redacted per expressed rule)].
You can't possibly have missed that, when asking, Exchemist.
A question you might wonder about, then: "Why skip the obvious course in order to threaten?"
Because that, in turn, ties back to the thread about what Donald Trump and his people are thinking. On some level, he knows his argument is wrong and can only lash out in hopes of silencing a discussion he thinks he can't answer. This sort of authoritarianism is not only symbolically and historically familiar, it's also unsurprising in its way.
Microcosmic particularities will always seem more particular than macrocosmic generalizations, but it's a similar framework to why Trump would insult allies. To what end? Well, it's about perception and empowerment: The behavior reflects the individual's perspective, and seeks an ephemeral sensation of infliction; if the common value in such disputes is empowerment, these behaviors reflect arguments seeking people's perceptions of their empowerment to inflict against others.
Think back to Kansas and creationism, Texas and history, the transpartisan PMRC, Pledge of Allegiance, Commandments in classrooms, tolerance of terrorism; these days its Florida and Texas, Christian nationalists, any number of industrialists, and even Harry Potter fan fiction.
If, in history, we might agree there are religious extremists of a particular sort, it sometimes becomes necessary to consider the oppositional argument that simply disdains the religion, but not the extremism, and even quietly disdains the thought that something is extremist. In this way, especially, politics raises strange bedfellows.¹ To wit, one need not be explicitly religious to be a terf or pilled masculinist, but if there's one belief terfs, masculinists, and Christian nationalists (and even actual Nazis) all share, it's the proper place of a woman.
This is an important circumstance to note, because another commonality among those and other beliefs is that at some point, they require redefinition of words in order to maintain their argument.
And if this is what, say, the Christians needed in order to advocate creationism as science, it's also what they need in order to object to oral contraception and IUDs, but that's right about the point where some ostensibly nonreligious folks who have particular beliefs and expectations about the place of a woman soften up on pseudoscience. That's an example of why some people end up blaming liberals for forcing them to support fascism².
But Christianist conservative politics over the last fifty years have required redefinitions of medical standards like
conception, or what is an
abortifacient, as well as necessarily blurred concepts like
consent in sexual conduct. The thing is, one need need not be explicitly religious to arbitrarily believe such things, nor to appreciate the
conservative book-banning argument↗ of telling us what other people think and mean.
Looking beyond religion, it's also how Bob Dole became a Nazi, and why the Chief Justice remembers no animus; were Christians so treated, Roberts would assuredly perceive animus.
As I've said,
before↗, for American conservatives, that's the last thirty years, at least. More like fifty; actually, a little more than that.
See, the thing is that when science and enlightenment sought to civilize the savage world, science and enlightenment were enough. But, kind of like geocentrism, when the science starts to inform differently than the superstitions of the prevailing societal narrative,
then we have a problem. And if that reaches back at least to the Scopes trial, or geocentrism before that, the iteration marking our time is observed by the late
Seventies and into the Eighties↗. Inasmuch as we might suggest, then, that people were disputing over the wrong question³, any number of questions arise as to why.
Why others might play along is its own question and pathology, but it really does seem the common attraction is a perception of empowerment. It would thus seem an important circumstance to observe, that a narrative should require redefinition of the terminology.
With medicine, words have certain definitions because other asserted meanings introduce imprecision and inconsistency. Similarly, the science and math are pretty straightforward, and somewhere between the armchair einsteins and the religio-pseudoscientists decoding scriptures in search of the real truth, some otherwise seemingly normal people will feel empowered by rarified definitions that cannot be applied consistently, but justify personal gratification.
In matters of history or even jurisprudence, such redefinition erodes the integrity of the narrative.
To the other, antisociality has no need for such integrity.
And there we are: The thing is, Trump doesn't really know what he's doing, and his political supporters and handlers don't really care. The thing about insulting allies is that it feels, to his supporters, like empowerment,
i.e.,
"their hot button grievance issue, whatever it may be"↗. That's the whole of Trump's attraction, the enduring appeal of infliction.
And if they can't justify themselves, well, they don't really need to; that's not really what they're about. This is about the gratification of infliction against others, and what people are willing to say and do in order to justify themselves.
____________________
Notes:
¹ There's a social media episode, a couple years back, when a prominent British terf started to wonder why she was seeing so many neo-Nazis at their rallies, for instance, but depending on perspective, that activist with an online store was also, somehow, late to the moment, i.e., apparently she hadn't noticed until then.
³ ca. 2021: If we consider the idea of an historical period in which traditionalist and Christian supremacism wrapped itself in a pretense of literalism that was never actually genuine, perhaps it might stand out that the whole time—that is to say, since even before the Reagan Awakening—literalism had already been ceded as an anti-historical relic of faith. In its way, the period can describe people disputing over the wrong question.