Top Mosker said:
So does the problem stem from the liberals letting themselves be defined by outside groups. In other words, do they not present a strong enough "image"?
That is certainly a way of putting it. In fact, and without any intent of diminishing your expression of it, that may be the simplest way of explaining it.
I might borrow from a recent criticism of the Democrats made in a letter to the editor of the Seattle Times:
The reason, for me, specifically is the all-or-nothing attitude of Democrats. I'm a Christian with a liberal social point of view. I even support abortion in an extremely limited way. I'm a fiscal conservative who is mad-as-heck at our current administration and the Republican-controlled Congress and their disgusting lack of spending control.
Nevertheless, the difference for me was as evident as the speaker list at the Republican Convention. The GOP is the party of the "wide tent." I can disagree with people from my own party but still work together to get behind legislation that is common sense.
SeattleTimes.com
People seem to think that "compromise" means compromising the foundations of our sociopolitical institutions. The "all-or-nothing" attitude of the Democratic Party is pocket-change compared to the all-or-nothing attitude of many liberals who find themselves to the left of the McAuliffe Democrats. The "wide tent" the author writes of is merely a marketing ploy. The "conservative base" of evangelical Christianity was upset that it was somehow underrepresented inasmuch as the Party was trying to present itself as something else. Schwarzeneggar's celebrity power (something about Hollywood?) is a greater asset to the ballot box than the deviation from the platform represented in Schwarzeneggar's politics. In the meantime, the most accessible Republican of all, Colin Powell, was absent on grounds of protocol that were rejected by two other cabinet secretaries, including one who once compared teachers to terrorists. The platform aims at Constitutional exclusionism. The party of the "wide tent" appears superficial, but here we encounter a problem facing liberals.
In all things, liberalism occupies a role as challenging to its character and appeal as the word "moralism" used as a curse. Liberalism asserts progress, inherently asserting a better way. All-or-nothing? In what way is progress represented by the compromise that some people should be held unequal in the eyes of the law?
In the present, people treat the term
ad hominem according a fairly recent evolution of its definition. The dictionary definition of the term is, "
Appealing to personal considerations rather than to logic or reason" (
American Heritage Dictionary). However, there is an interesting Usage Note attached to that definition:
[n]As the principal meaning of the preposition ad suggests, the homo of ad hominem was originally the person to whom an argument was addressed, not its subject.[/b] The phrase denoted an argument designed to appeal to the listener's emotions rather than to reason, as in the sentence The Republicans' evocation of pity for the small farmer struggling to maintain his property is a purely ad hominem argument for reducing inheritance taxes. This usage appears to be waning; only 37 percent of the Usage Panel finds this sentence acceptable. The phrase now chiefly describes an argument based on the failings of an adversary rather than on the merits of the case: Ad hominem attacks on one's opponent are a tried-and-true strategy for people who have a case that is weak. Ninety percent of the Panel finds this sentence acceptable. The expression now also has a looser use in referring to any personal attack, whether or not it is part of an argument, as in It isn't in the best interests of the nation for the press to attack him in this personal, ad hominem way. This use is acceptable to 65 percent of the Panel. ·Ad hominem has also recently acquired a use as a noun denoting personal attacks, as in “Notwithstanding all the ad hominem, Gingrich insists that he and Panetta can work together” (Washington Post). This usage may raise some eyebrows, though it appears to be gaining ground in journalistic style. ·A modern coinage patterned on ad hominem is ad feminam, as in “Its treatment of Nabokov and its ad feminam attack on his wife Vera often border on character assassination” (Simon Karlinsky). Though some would argue that this neologism is unnecessary because the Latin word homo refers to humans generically, rather than to the male sex, in some contexts ad feminam has a more specific meaning than ad hominem, being used to describe attacks on women as women or because they are women, as in “Their recourse... to ad feminam attacks evidences the chilly climate for women's leadership on campus” (Donna M. Riley).
American Heritage Dictionary
In a consumer-driven society, there is a tendency to demand things according to the desires of the consumer. This is only natural. However, while the newer treatment of
ad hominem seems to be the standard of American politics, sharpened and refined since the Atwater generation, the GOP also showed with its "wide tent" speakers' list just how much it could appeal by the classic definition of the fallacy. Certainly, the GOP has cast a wide enough tent to find a Democrat beneath it, but who didn't notice the overdose of
ad hominem and outright dishonesty necessary for said Democrat to be found tolerable enough to be given speaking time?
"Liberal elite" is a term designed around that consumerist notion. To call Zell Miller dishonest is considered
ad hominem in the new sense, that the argument focuses on a proposed weakness of its subject. That the statement is demonstrably true rarely enters the argument.
Certain tales I am prone to repeat, the OCA in 1992, a book ban request in Salem, Oregon, and others, point back to this situation. "Judicial activism" is often merely constitutional adherence, interpretations based on more than one aspect of the Constitution. Much like homophobia and the "single gay gene", seeking a single Constitutional facet for Roe v. Wade or other such decision is often a fallacious argument. One could likewise argue that freedom of the press only guarantees the right to write publish, and distribute in general, but not the right to sell. In fact, part of the 1992 debate over gays in general--which started as a dispute over a library book--focused on whether the First Amendment covered inclusion in libraries: could a book be refused a place on public library shelves for subjective moral assertions?
That I repeat them often enough to probably irritate a few comes not out of the desire to offend, but because I've never heard a suitable answer.
Instead of answering the substantive issues, we encounter a strange rhetorical backlash: the folks who assert that their equality only comes with their superiority turn to catch-phrases like "liberal elite", "judicial activism", "liberal media", and so forth.
As one who claims that liberalism is the more intellectually challenging route, I understand certain reasons why this sort of politicking is successful. A four-second soundbite has more impact than a dry explanation of fact that takes a couple minutes.
The error of the Democrats as liberals comes between a rock and a hard place. Yes, Clinton was able to hit back, but nobody else has the charisma, so in the end it looks like everyday mudslinging raised to pop-art. In the end, capitulating to the GOP strategy of pitching to the low end of the intellectual curve proved to be a poor long-term strategy despite its immediate benefits. A decade and a half after the Democratic Leadership Council formulated the strategy that would raise Clinton to the presidency, that theory has run its course and shows itself easily corruptible and quite anemic. As we saw in 2002, why should the people vote for fake Republicans when there's a real one across the ticket?
What happened is that in reacting to each lowering of the bar, the Democrats allowed the GOP to define the terms of the argument. Thus, liberalism perpetually argued from a rhetorical deficit established in the original phrasing of the issue. We saw this most recently in Oregon, where the traditionalist marriage initiative was born in response to county officials attempting to comply with what legal precedent they had. Compliance with the law, then, was denounced as "circumventing the people", and held up as an example of "liberal elitism". While the real issue was asking of the people to insert an obstruction against the recognition that gay marriage rights already existed and simply were not yet enforced, the conservatives were able to convince the people that such recognition was actually a new encroachment.
And since liberals are now called on to answer for their "elitism", we might as well stop to ask what the hell the phrase "liberal elite" even means. Because at present, it seems to be a condemnation of the liberal's unwillingness to compromise on certain fundamental points, such as the Constitution that underpins this entire political and legal arrangement called the United States of America. A rational comparison would not be that Christians should tolerate gay marriage, but that Christians should engage in compulsory sodomy. That a liberal is unwilling to "compromise" by forfeiting the U.S. Constitution doesn't seem so elitist to me, and compared to the history of conservatism in American politics, the phrase "liberal elite" seems a lie.
Lacking any better conservative expression of the problem, the notion of the "liberal elite" offending "middle America" is functionally useless. Of course, that's the point for conservatives: demand the liberals go snipe hunting.
This sort of conservative nonesuch is fun and easy, even and especially for the simple-minded. It's an identity politic more than anything substantial: that an opinion is opposed is important, and damn any thought of whether the basis for the opinion is factually valid. Yes, we're welcome to our opinions, but when opinions are based in on false assertions of fact, are they really proper justification or motivation for action?
Given that people's lives and livelihoods are the stakes in human politics, I would think the process deserving of more respect than conservative diversions give it.
Conservative political rhetoric, much like cheap comedy, relies more often than not on the ignorance of its audience. Challenging a lack of facts, such as shown by liberal inflexibility in certain issues, is apparently "elitist". Exploiting people's ignorance, well, that's just good politics, ain't it?
Or so it seems. That's why it's so important that we get some conservatives to help understand what's wrong with that conclusion, or at least explain why it's not so disgusting as it seems.
____________________
Notes: